Which political parties do the residents of Liverpool support? And how have their preferences changed over time? As we will explore on liverpoolyes.com, the political mood in Liverpool can shift due to various factors. These shifts can be triggered by individual politicians or a party’s stance on a particular issue. Notably, the Conservative party has seen its approval ratings plummet. Let’s delve into the history to understand why.
An Overview
Liverpool is widely regarded as a city dominated by liberal political forces, as noted by localwiki.org. This, it could be said, sets the city apart from much of the rest of Great Britain. Historically, the heart of Merseyside has often stood in opposition to the country’s ruling party and broader national political trends. Liverpool has a truly distinct culture and a unique worldview, influenced by Irish and, at times, even American traditions.
The difference in political awareness between the city’s residents and the rest of the country’s population is striking. Many ‘Scousers’ hold genuinely noble and humane views, although their origins can sometimes be difficult to trace. Furthermore, Liverpudlians are known for being outspoken and willing to share their opinions on various matters.
This aligns with data from 2016, which identifies Liverpool as one of Britain’s most left-wing cities. A study involving millions of British residents revealed that between 1983 and 2015, the city’s political landscape was overwhelmingly dominated by Labour and Liberal views, rather than Conservative ones.
No other city in England was found to be more left-leaning, and the only place in Britain that ranked higher than Liverpool was Glasgow in Scotland. Manchester, Hull, Sheffield, and Newcastle were left far behind. Interestingly, this wasn’t always the case. We will now examine the reasons for this phenomenon.
Reasons for the Conservatives’ Decline in Liverpool
Researcher David Jeffery offers some insights on this topic. He disagrees with the conventional view that the policies of the ‘Iron Lady,’ Margaret Thatcher, are the main cause. Instead, he points to other factors that were at play long before she came to power. The 1970s simply saw the rise of the Liberals as a political force, which overshadowed the Conservatives. And while the Conservatives often prevail and win in other cities, the story in Liverpool is quite different. The reality is far more complex than the successes or failures of a single party leader, whether it be Margaret Thatcher or Theresa May.
The Conservatives’ performance in Liverpool during the post-war years varied and can be divided into three distinct periods. Success from 1945 to 1970, decline from 1970 to 1987, and finally, a slide into irrelevance.
Success: 1945-1970
Until the early 1970s, the Conservatives were considered one of the two major political forces in Liverpool. They controlled the city council from the mid-19th century until 1955, and again from 1961 to 1963 and 1967 to 1972.
In the pre-war period, the Tories benefited from the sectarian divide between Catholics and Protestants, which effectively determined voting patterns. In the 19th century, Protestants traditionally supported the Conservatives, while Catholics backed the Liberals. Later, two Catholic parties with different platforms emerged in the city, and the Labour party appeared in the 1920s.
Logically, voting behaviour could have been based on class as well as religious affiliation. This was the case in many countries and cities, but for some reason, voting in Liverpool did not become class-based, even after the war. Theoretically, the Conservatives could have competed for votes through political socialisation. The idea would have been that as young people grew up in Protestant-Tory areas of the city, the party could have actively instilled its values in them. In that case, the votes of Protestants and their children, upon reaching voting age, would have been guaranteed.
In the initial post-war years, this was largely the case, but support for the Conservatives fluctuated depending on the actions of the national government and the ruling party. As local elections were often used to express dissatisfaction with the government, when the Labour party was in power in Great Britain, Liverpool’s Conservatives were at the peak of their popularity. This situation occurred between 1946–1951 and 1965–1970. Consequently, the opposite was true from 1952 to 1965.
Decline: 1970-1983
When the Conservatives were in power nationally from 1970 to 1973, they lost elections in Liverpool, as expected. But why didn’t the Conservatives regain their standing during the Wilson and Callaghan governments? The most likely reason is the rise of the Liberals.
From the 1970s onwards, the Liberals actively capitalised on the failure of both Labour and the Conservatives to respond to voters’ needs. By focusing on local issues, the Liberals managed to win over a share of their opponents’ votes. The 1973 election was a turning point, with the Liberals outmanoeuvring their rivals and pushing them into third place. Since then, only in 1978 did the Conservatives win more seats than the Liberals; in all other years, both the Liberals and Labour ranked higher.
In 1979, following the election of Mrs Thatcher, the ruling party’s popularity in local elections began to wane. A recovery from this decline in the polls was possible, but it never materialised.
Irrelevance: 1983 to the Present Day
Scousers possess a strong identity that helps to build and maintain their self-esteem. This identity is key to understanding the electoral irrelevance of the Conservatives. By the 1980s, Liverpool was plagued by crime, unemployment, and similar issues. In such circumstances, a strong relationship with the central government is crucial. However, Thatcher’s government found itself in conflict with Liverpool’s Labour-run council. The city was effectively in opposition to the government in London.
This Scouse identity, one could argue, backfired when it led them to oppose Thatcher on virtually every front, blurring the lines between right and wrong, positive and negative. For example, they even opposed the core tenets of Thatcherism, such as competition, free markets, and entrepreneurship. Instead, the local authorities emphasised mythologised Scouse traits like ‘solidarity’ and ‘fairness’.
This identity had a powerful influence on voters, shaping group norms and acceptable behaviour. The Scouse opposition to Thatcher effectively translated into opposition to the Conservative party as a whole. Even as recently as 2017, when a statue of Conservative supporter Cilla Black was unveiled in Liverpool, the Liverpool Echo noted that “Cilla Black’s support for the Tory party… means she shouldn’t be honoured in Liverpool”.
Within this Scouse identity, both Labour and the Liberals could thrive, but the Conservatives became the most despised political force for the majority. As a result, the city proudly embraced anti-Conservatism as one of its core principles.
Lessons
The conclusions are clear. The Conservatives are unlikely to see a revival any time soon unless they can make themselves compatible with the Scouse identity. In Scotland, the Conservative party began to recover thanks to the personality of Ruth Davidson, but in Liverpool, a victory for a similarly charismatic leader remains highly improbable.